Maharashtra Assembly Elections 2024: Can change come in a day? Results from the last day of campaigning. As campaigning for the Maharashtra elections ended on Tuesday, parties doubled down on their rhetoric, but it was unclear which way the wind was blowing. Voters in the state spoke of growing “divisions” and the growing irrelevance of “the party”, indicating that voters’ distrust of party politics is taking a new form, writes Vandita Mishra.
“This loss of trust will surely influence the outcome of this election – but in a party-led representative democracy, it is also a warning bell in the long term that all political parties must heed,” writes Mishra.
After all, this is the first assembly election after the “split” (split of parties) – the big one being the Shiv Sena and the NCP – reduced the main contenders from four to six, and restructured traditional alliances beyond recognition, bringing in unexpected partners.
In a visit to Nagpur, Bhandara, Gondia, Wardha, Amravati, Akola and Buldhana districts in Vidarbha – which comprises some of the most backward areas of the state with regional disparities – The Indian Express found that voters’ disenchantment with parties and the resulting focus on candidates is making it more difficult to predict electoral choices. Does localisation work for the Congress and its led coalition, the Maha Vikas Aghadi, or the BJP and its alliance, the Mahayuti – that is the question.
Earlier, The Indian Express contributing editor Neerja Chowdhary had written about how wheels within wheels were working in Maharashtra,
In 2019, there were four main parties, with the BJP and its oldest ally Shiv Sena on one side and the Congress and NCP on the other fighting it out. When the BJP and Shiv Sena parted ways over the chief minister’s post, Sharad Pawar stepped in to shape the MVA.
He brought the Congress and Shiv Sena, the most unexpected allies, on one platform with his NCP and appointed Uddhav Thackeray as the CM. The BJP swept aside the Shiv Sena in 2022 and the NCP the next year and formed the government. Today, the scenario is even more complex, as seen in the recent past. In the absence of earlier benchmarks, it makes electoral predictions more difficult and risky.
Moreover, politics has also split families like the Pawars down the middle. The Pawar family from across the world gathers together once a year despite their differences. But now it has become a bitter conflict. In Baramati in the Lok Sabha elections it was Sunetra Pawar versus Supriya Sule.
Now it is Ajit Pawar, who has been winning the Baramati assembly seat since 1991, against his young nephew Yugendra (his brother’s son) fielded by the NCP (SP), making it a do-or-die battle for party supremacy. This confusion reveals itself – and almost overshadows the question of ideology.
Choudhary writes about how Maharashtra today is sending more than one message. An industrial and financial hub that thrives on political stability, the state is moving towards increasingly fragmented politics. The large number of political players in the fray also reflects India’s diversity, rising aspirations and claims by every group for its share. But they also underline the growing use of fear, government agencies and big money to bring about political allegiances.
And speaking of discourse, two things dominated the election discourse: welfare and Hindutva, with the BJP giving almost renewed emphasis to both.
Lack of coordination was blamed for the BJP’s performance in the elections, in which its tally fell from 303 to 240. Among the states where the BJP suffered setbacks was Maharashtra, where it got only 9 seats.
To change direction, the BJP stepped up coordination with the Sangh, with Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis leading the efforts. The RSS has deployed its workers in seats where the party finds itself trailing. “A system has been created where regular inputs are being shared between the BJP and the RSS on a daily basis, along with corrective measures being taken,” a BJP source said.
The BJP’s campaign has emphasised Hindu unity, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi giving the slogan “Ek Hai Toh Surakshit Hai” to other backward classes (OBCs), Dalits and scheduled tribes (STs) to ward off the Congress’ divisive agenda. During the campaign, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath too has warned voters, “Bantenge Toh Katenge.”
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